The Next Generation in Russia, Ukraine, and Azerbaijan: Youth, Politics, Identity, and Change
Language: English
Pages: 226
ISBN: 0742549453
Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub
In the past twenty years, the countries that used to make up the former Soviet Union have seen plenty of change. There have been revolutions, youth-led protest movements, and other forms of incredible political upheaval. At the center of all of this were young leaders fighting to be heard and clamoring for change. In Nadia Diuk's meticulously researched and insightful book. The Next Generation in Russia, Ukraine, and Azerbaijan, she shows how those young leaders have risen up and become a part of the new political system. Using unique public opinion polling data and personal interviews, she explores how the new generation of leaders is shaping the political system and how the young people of today continue to exhort pressure for reform. This book is important to anyone interested in Eastern European studies, political transitions, protest movements, or youth and politics.
Lost and Found in Russia: Lives in the Post-Soviet Landscape
Notes on the Cuff and Other Stories
Yanukovych once more swung the pendulum of Ukraine’s foreign policy toward Russia in his first year in office. Ukraine was one of the most advanced of the republics in terms of its youth movement in 1990, but throughout the following decade few young people made any inroads into the political system. The country held the distinction of having been the first, and for a long time, the only post-Soviet state to have accomplished a peaceful transfer of power from one president to another in 1994 when
funding—primarily from the United States. The NGOs under scrutiny were almost exclusively run by young people in their early to mid-thirties. Gongadze: Prologue to the Orange Revolution The use of new media and mounting youth protests, two elements that became the hallmark of the Orange Revolution, were already on the rise in the years before that enormous event. And as fate would have it, they 50 Chapter 3 were intertwined. In December 2000, mass protests of young people were taking place
ones. The leading opposition party Musavat, which has opposed both Aliyevs since 1993, has had the same leader since 1992. The leadership of the Popular Front Party has not changed in almost as many years, although Elchibey nominally held the position of party chairman until his death in 2000. Since its creation in 1995, the leadership of the Liberal Party has also been vested in the same person. The growing number of young people eligible to vote has been estimated by the State Statistical
limits for the presidency having failed, many of the youth groups that had been formed in the wake of the wave of youth activism throughout Eastern Europe in 2004 had either ceased their activity or become passive. Those that continued their activity, such as Dalga and Ol! (Be! . . . free, active, democratic, and so on, established in February 2006), focused more on strengthening the role of youth in civil society, protecting students’ rights, and developing liberal and democratic values. But
with any other ideas, the energy and appeal of the Nashi philosophy gained an extra boost. By January 2011, Nashi had become the most recognized of all the political movements and organizations in Russia, with 31 percent saying that they recognized or knew about it, surpassing Rossiya Molodaya, which gained 12 percent, as well as the Zhirinovsky youth organization and the National Bolsheviks at 8 percent each. The liberal and opposition movements, Solidarnost and Other Russia, were even further