Sudan: Race, Religion, and Violence

Sudan: Race, Religion, and Violence

Language: English

Pages: 256

ISBN: 1780742991

Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub

Ravaged by civil war, and plagued by roaming gangs of rebel and government militia, Sudan and Darfur are rarely out of the news. Hundreds of thousands of people have been killed, over two million have fled their homes, and rape, humanitarian crises and state-sponsored genocide are all rife.

In this groundbreaking investigation, Jok Madut Jok delves deep into Sudan's culture and history, isolating the factors that have caused its fractured national identity. With moving first-hand testimonies, Jok provides a decisive critique of a country in turmoil, and addresses what must be done to break the tragic cycle of racism, poverty, and brutality that grips Sudan and its people.

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(ed.). London: Frank Cass. Collins, Robert (1999) ‘Africans, Arabs, and Islamists: From the Conference Tables to the Battlefields in Sudan.’ African Studies Review 42 (2): 105–23. Crummey, Donald, Catherine Miller, François Ireton, Isabelle Dalmau (eds) (2006) Land, Ethnicity and Political Legitimacy in Eastern Sudan. Cairo: Centre d’Etude et de documentation économiques, juridiques et socials. De Waal, Alex (1985) Famine that Kills: Darfur, Sudan. Oxford: Clarendon Press. De Waal, Alex

Sudan. Trenton, NJ: Red Sea Press. Munson, Harry (2004) ‘Lifting the Veil: Understanding the Roots of Islamic Militancy.’ Harvard International Review, 25 (4). Nadel, S. F. (1947) The Nuba. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ntata, Pierson R. T. (1999) Participation by the Affected Population in Relief Operations: A Review of the Experience of DEC Agencies During the Response to the 1998 Famine in South Sudan: A Report Prepared for the Active Learning Network on Accountability and Performance in

can you fight for seventeen years and reach an agreement in three days?’ Barry Wanji, one of the Anyanya leaders, would lament many years later. Many southerners would later argue that the pressure brought to bear on southern negotiators and the speed with which the agreement was reached led to the south making too many serious concessions that were later responsible, if indirectly, for triggering the second round of the North–South war in 1983. The agreement was based on a consensus that the

the more Sudanese people they can persuade to take on the ‘Arab’ label, the more proudly the ruling elite would pronounce Sudan as an Arab country. But the elite are also quick to point out that they are also African, especially when they are speaking to foreigners. In this way they deflect the claim that their actions are racist. How can they be racist against ‘Africans’ when they are themselves African, they reason. That the Arabs in Sudan are also clearly African, at least by residence, and

1992). This angered their immediate families and the entire ethnic groups they belonged to, and this resentment would later become a tool for organized opposition as disgruntled youths joined the rebel armies when they were eventually formed. Some of these youths had joined the south-based SPLA when it was formed in the early 1980s when its then inspirational leader, John Garang de Mabior, had begun to talk about the concept of marginalization of the peripheries by the elite in Khartoum, and that

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