Marx's 'Eighteenth Brumaire': (Post)Modern Interpretations

Marx's 'Eighteenth Brumaire': (Post)Modern Interpretations

Language: English

Pages: 256

ISBN: 0745318304

Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub


Marx's account of the rise of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte is one of his most important texts. Written after the defeat of the 1848 revolution in France and Bonaparte’s subsequent coup, it is a concrete analysis that raises enduring theoretical questions about the state, class conflict and ideology. Unlike his earlier analyses, Marx develops a nuanced argument concerning the independence of the state from class interests, the different types of classes, and the determining power of ideas and imagery in politics. In the Eighteenth Brumaire he applies his ‘materialist conception of history’ to an actual historical event with extraordinary subtlety and an impressive, powerful command of language.This volume contains the most recent and widely acclaimed translation of the Eighteenth Brumaire by Terrell Carver, together with a series of specially commissioned essays on the importance of the Brumaire in Marx’s canon. Contributors discuss its continuing significance and interest, the historical background and its present-day relevance for political philosophy and history.

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4 May 1848 up to the end of May 1849, is the period of constituting, founding the bourgeois republic. Just after the February days the dynastic opposition was surprised by the republicans, the republicans by the socialists, indeed all France by Paris. The constituent assembly, drawn from the votes of the entire nation, met on 4 May 1848 and represented the whole. It was a living protest against the aspirations of the February days and was to reduce the achievements of the revolution to bourgeois

the leaders took satisfaction in being able to blame the ‘people’ for desertion, and the people in charging the leaders with fraud. Seldom had a charge been sounded with greater alarum than the impending campaign by the montagne, seldom had an event been trumpeted with greater certainty or further in advance than the inevitable victory of democracy. This is for certain: the democrats have faith in the trumpeting that breached the walls of Jericho. And as often as they confront the ramparts of

of more than half a million civil servants, so holding an immense number of individual interests and livelihoods in abject dependence; where the state restricts, controls, regulates oversees and supervises civil life from its most all-encompassing expressions to its most insignificant stirrings, from its most universal models of existence to the private existence of individuals; where through the most extraordinary centralisation this parasite acquires an all-knowing pervasiveness, an enhanced

fisherman who led a Neapolitan rebellion against Spanish rule in 1647] – in any case one fishwife outweighed 17 grandees [of the ‘party of order’] in terms of real power – so in the same way, after the introduction of the commissioners’ bill, he inspired the lieutenants who were wined and dined at the Elysée, and again on 25 November [1851] he enthralled the industrial bourgeoisie who had gathered at the circus [in Paris] to receive their prize medals for the Great [Industrial] Exhibition in

separation and the potential antagonism between state and civil society (and hence the existence of a specific type of political scene and its possible disjunctions from the economy) depend on a particular form of economic organisation. Second, and, for present purposes, more important, the economic ‘base’ is treated, rightly or wrongly, as the ultimate source of the social or material conditioning of political struggles. Here Marx refers both to the changing economic conjunctures and successive

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