Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion
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This collection challenges the tendency among scholars of ancient Greece to see magical and religious ritual as mutually exclusive and to ignore "magical" practices in Greek religion. The contributors survey specific bodies of archaeological, epigraphical, and papyrological evidence for magical practices in the Greek world, and, in each case, determine whether the traditional dichotomy between magic and religion helps in any way to conceptualize the objective features of the evidence examined. Contributors include Christopher A. Faraone, J.H.M. Strubbe, H.S. Versnel, Roy Kotansky, John Scarborough, Samuel Eitrem, Fritz Graf, John J. Winkler, Hans Dieter Betz, and C.R. Phillips.
47. Sed vulneribus tantummodo ferro et medicamentis mederi. 48. Celsus, Med. proem 9, with 6. 49. Wesley D. Smith, "Physiology in the Homeric Poems," TAPA 97 (1966): 547-56, esp. 547. 50. Onians, Origins (see n. 10), 13-65. 51. Andreas Plaitakis and Roger C. Duvoisin, "Homer's Moly Identified As Galanthus The Pharmacology of Sacred Plants, Herbs, and Roots 167 nivalis L.: Physiologic Antidote to Stramonium Poisoning," Clinical Neuropharmacology 6 (1983): 1-5. Cf. suggestions in the references
sorcerers. Accordingly, in their view evil daemons were invented to beguile the weak and subjugate them to their power. Justin Martyr (Apol. 18.3) and Irenaios (C. Haer. 16.3) protested such daemon-mania. The latter cited one after the other and . A general, detailed discussion on the value of visions and dreams takes place in Pseudo-Clement (Horn. 17.13f.) between Peter and Simon Magus. Here the dream as a source of truth and spiritual enlightenment is emphatically denied by Peter: an evil
contribution to this volume (chap. 4). 30. The recent discovery in a villa outside of Pompeii of wooden writing tablets coated with reddish "gum lac" instead of the wax probably accounts for Ovid's designation of the wax aspoenicea, as well as the ms. variant sanguinea (cf. J. Reynolds, JRS 61 : 148). 31. Ch. Dugas, "Figurines d'envoutement trouve'es & Delos," BCH 39 (1915): 413-23; Preisendanz, "Die Zaubertafeln," (see n. 3), 163-64; and Jordan 1983 all provide detailed surveys. See note
imprecations is of course unknown. Perhaps it had something to do with the belief in the inefficacy of civil justice.74 Indeed, the violator of the grave did his criminal work in the cemetery outside the town and therefore had a good chance to escape unnoticed and unpunished.75 It has been noted that in circumstances or "Cursed be he that moves my bones" 41 places or periods in which human law is vitiated by its powerlessness, unsteadiness, partiality, or even absence, people who suffer
Phrygia bearing similar texts, which were, as a group, different from the usual votive inscriptions. Since they often contain a kind of confession of guilt, they are generally called "confession steles".77 The steles are often precisely dated and without exception come from the second and third century A.D. Although there exists great variation, they can generally be classified as praises for or aretalogies of the god, in which the (power)78 of the usually local divinity (e.g., the Great Mother,