Business-Government Relations in Prewar Japan (Routledge Studies in the Modern History of Asia)

Business-Government Relations in Prewar Japan (Routledge Studies in the Modern History of Asia)

Peter von Staden

Language: English

Pages: 208

ISBN: 0415540992

Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub


For the business and government relationship in Japan, the pre-war period was an era of considerable change. Framed by Japan’s nation-building efforts, the relationship adapted and evolved with the often fluid economic and political circumstances. As both business and government had vested interests in the direction and success of Japan’s industrialization process, on one level they became partners. At the same time, though, they were both stakeholders in the fiercely competitive iron and steel industry.

This book explores how that partner-competitor relationship worked during the amalgamation of this strategic industry from 1916 to 1934, demonstrating how both parties engaged in meaningful negotiation through the open forum of the Shingikai - or Councils of Deliberation - throughout the pre-war period. Drawing upon the original minutes of the debates, it shows the ways in which the participants defended their vested interests and sought to forge agreement, taking the forum seriously as a means of influencing outcomes, and not simply as a mere exercise of artifice deployed to shroud the real locus of decision-making.

Business-Government Relations in Prewar Japan is an important contribution to the literature on the relationship between government and business in pre-war Japan.

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Japan 1923–1924, 1929–1931 Minister of Finance Businessman Bureaucrat Politician Inoue Junnosuke Committee Member Okazaki Kunisuke Committee Member Kataoka Naoteru Financier Politician Baron Shibusawa Eiichi Committee Member Businessman Politician Businessman 1891 Elected to House of Representatives (ten times) 1925 Minister of Agriculture 1928 Entered House of Peers Held various leading positions in businesses located in Osaka, by Taisho period considered influential member of Osaka

uncertainty how this interaction operated. Leading Meiji figures like Finance Minister Matsukata Masayoshi considered Japan’s economic development to be closely entwined with a ‘deep personal sense of patriotism, [and] devotion to the emperor’ and for them fukoku kyohei ‘expressed [a] . . . sort of fierce and urgent nationalism . . .’.8 Similarly, Dan Takuma, Mitsui obanto (general manager) and the president of Nihon Kogyo Kurabu (Industry Club of Japan), during a visit to the Massachusetts

Commerce and Navigation provided for modification of the tariff schedule, though unilateral alteration was not permitted. In the event that either Japan or the United Kingdom sought change to the tariff schedule, they would enter negotiation, and if this failed then the notification of the intent to withdraw could be made. If at any time after the expiration of one year from the date this Treaty takes effect either of the High Contracting Parties desires to make a modification in the Schedule it

decision-making process and would appear to have reviewed the ministry’s draft prior to its being presented to the shingikai meeting. It is not clear from this example whether this was standard operating procedure or an exception. In either case, political input at the highest levels was made which shaped the eventual proposal. The role and authority of the cabinet meeting was made clearer in comments by Kataoka. In response to questions from another committee member, Yamamoto Jotaro, questions

pig iron was dramatically raised by 72 per cent.93 Lower House discussions of the proposals was spread over three readings: the first reading on 5 July was decidedly the longest and the remaining two very much shorter ones both took place on 11 June. Arguments for and against the proposed tariff increase were essentially made on 5 June, with resolution to these issues swiftly achieved on 11 June. The position of government was quickly set out by Takahashi Korekiyo, the Minister of Finance, who

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